In Our Backyard
Overcoming Community Resistance to Reentry Housing (A NIMBY Toolkit)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Summary and Table of Contents
2 Introductory Letter
3 Section 1: The Reentry Crisis
7 Section II: A Case Study
15 Section III: What Does the Fortune Academy Story Tell Us?
16 Section IV: Best Practices for Gaining Community Support
- Applying Lessons Learned to Your Organization
19 Section V: Conclusion
20 Section VI: Endnotes
SUMMARY
With over 725,000 men and women being released from prison each year, the need for housing assistance for the
formerly incarcerated population is immense. Indeed, in addition to linking homelessness and incarceration, research has
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formerly incarcerated population at a disadvantage when trying to access safe and stable housing. For some, returning
home to their family is not an option as family members may be unwilling or unable to accommodate them. Accessing
housing in the private market also presents a challenge given high prices and landlords’ exercising their personal discretion
to discriminate against people with criminal histories. Finally, public housing policies – both at the federal and local level –
deny access to individuals with certain criminal convictions.
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overwhelming need with few resources. This toolkit highlights the experience of The Fortune Society in its development of
a housing project in West Harlem. Through Fortune’s experience, organizations can glean strategies to help them overcome
one of the greatest challenges associated with providing housing to formerly incarcerated men and women. NIMBY
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
lessons learned by Fortune, this toolkit provides guidance and encouragement to those organizations working to assist
formerly incarcerated people and create safer communities.
This project was supported by Grant No. 2009-D1-BX-K016 awarded by the Bureau of Justice Assistance. The Bureau of Justice
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1
LETTER OF INTRODUCTION
Dear Colleagues,
The Fortune Society and the Prisoner Reentry Institute at John Jay College of Criminal Justice are pleased to present
to you this toolkit, It has been
developed for organizations that have experience with providing housing to the reentry population as well as those for
whom it is a new venture. The unprecedented number of men and women returning home from correctional facilities
represents an important challenge. How we address the numerous needs experienced by this population today (including
securing safe and stable housing) will help shape the way we think about and tackle issues that result from incarceration
for decades to come. This toolkit shares lessons learned and successful practices culled from experience and provides a
statement of possibility for others who are seeking to house needy and feared populations.
In Fall 2009, The Fortune Society and Prisoner Reentry Institute at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, funded by


Castle, a supportive residence for approximately 62 men and women released from incarceration to homelessness in
West Harlem. It is set in the academic literature on the relationship between homelessness, reincarceration and criminal
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resolution. This collaboration between complementary sets of expertise in reentry – that of a direct service provider and
a college of criminal justice – was further enriched by contributions from the International Center for Cooperation and
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
housing to formerly incarcerated people. Community opposition can be one of the greatest challenges an organization must
face as it works to establish services for populations that are considered “threatening.” “Not in My Back Yard” – commonly


supporters.
This toolkit begins with an overview of housing options for men and women being released as well as a review of others
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details of how The Fortune Society garnered community support for the project and developed a relationship of trust with
its neighbors. Readers will learn the nature of the strong opposition faced by the Fortune Society from neighbors who

some twenty years. The toolkit culminates with key lessons and steps to help other organizations as they work to establish
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


will see, the relationship The Fortune Society eventually established with its neighbors in West Harlem did not develop
overnight. A great deal of skill, patience, and dedication went into developing strong community support. However, this



We hope the information presented in this toolkit , including The Fortune Society’s case study, will provide guidance
and encouragement to those organizations currently providing or those that are considering providing housing options to

visit its two Harlem residences.
Sincerely,
JoAnne Page Jeremy Travis
President and CEO President
The Fortune Society John Jay College of Criminal Justice
2
We hope the information presented in this toolkit, including The Fortune Society’s case study, will
provide guidance and encouragement to those organizations currently providing or those that are
considering providing housing options to their clients. We welcome you to contact The Fortune Society
if you have.
Sincerely,
JoAnne Page Jeremy Travis
President and CEO President
The Fortune Society John Jay College of Criminal Justice
I: The Reentry Crisis
Challenges for the formerly incarcerated
According to recent national statistics, about 725,000
individuals are released from prisons and millions
more cycle through jails each year, a volume of formerly
incarcerated people reentering society never before
seen.
A complex set of factors renders these individuals
vulnerable to relapse to criminal activity, resulting in
disturbingly high rates of recidivism. Nationwide, two




integration into society are that the formerly incarcerated,

physically or mentally disabled, undereducated and
lacking in vocational skills and experience, and have


returns home to communities that are challenged by
high unemployment, poverty and crime and lack reentry


Compounding this grave situation is the fact that this
unprecedented volume of released individuals increases
homelessness. On average across the country, more than

and the percentages are higher in large urban areas such

which receive the bulk of the formerly incarcerated and


statistics are especially worrisome in light of studies




to stay safe and healthy, clean and sober, apply for jobs

The formerly incarcerated face considerable barriers to


may be unwilling or unable to house them or, in some cases,
home is not safe. Private housing is typically priced beyond
their means, and the landlords discriminate against those
with criminal records. Those recently released often cannot
avail themselves of housing programs for the homeless,

homelessness. As for public housing, a combination
of federal and local policies excludes many with criminal
 www.ojp.usdoj.gov/newsroom/pressrelease/2009/
. The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), a

trends at the state level for a variety of criminal justice related and
prisoner reentry issues. To access information on such trends and
statistics, visit www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/reentry/reentry.htm.



housing to a variety of categories of people, including





Making matters worse is that no government agency is
jurisdictionally charged with ownership of the problems
of recidivism and homelessness among the formerly
incarcerated: Corrections and criminal justice agencies
view their responsibility to the incarcerated population


reentry services, including housing, does not fall under the
purview of any other federal or state agency (Rodriguez



organizationally to deal with the pressing need to keep

Growing Interest in Supportive Housing
Against this grim background, there is hope. There
is a changing climate of greater receptiveness among
policymakers to support programs that promote
successful reentry, thereby avoiding the huge costs of


attention is being directed in particular at “supportive



p.5).
2
Supportive housing programs provide stable and
safe housing to homeless formerly incarcerated men and
women alongside comprehensive and individualized
services, such as education and vocational training,
employment assistance and counseling, substance abuse
treatment, access to medical and mental health care, family

directed at promoting independent living and reintegration

growing evidence that supportive housing for homeless
formerly incarcerated persons reduces recidivism, makes




2 “Supportive housing,” as a term, came into widespread use

under the Homeless Assistance Act, created the Supportive Housing
Demonstration Program. In its broadest sense, it is housing that is
linked with social services tailored to those with special needs who
face the threat of homelessness, whether because of substance abuse,
HIV/AIDS, domestic violence, former incarceration, chronic mental

3
4
Despite its promising nature, nationwide there are
relatively few supportive housing programs targeted for
homeless formerly incarcerated persons. This is the result

and the challenge that local opposition poses to the siting


A Diversity of Supportive Housing Models
The supportive housing programs that do exist are
located in large, urban areas and are, in fact, designed and

– although a few come about as a partnership between

corrections. They vary in format along several dimensions.


management services (e.g. Heritage Health and Housing in
New York City) to those that provide supportive housing
and case management services at a single site congregate
facility (e.g. Fortune Societys Fortune Academy in New York
City and Delancey Street Foundation in San Francisco). The
programs also vary in the length of time that housing is
provided to clients. Some programs provide only emergency

(e.g. Amity Righturn in San Diego), while others provide

from several months to several years (e.g. Providence House

housing for those unable to live independently in the
community due to chronic mental illness or other reasons
(e.g. Heritage Health and Housing in New York City).



broadly to the formerly incarcerated. For example, Ridge
House in Reno, Nevada targets transitional housing and
services to those struggling with substance abuse, and
Greenhope Housing in East Harlem, New York City provides
housing and services for up to six months to formerly


by the courts pursuant to an Alternative to Incarceration

the formerly incarcerated population include the Fortune
Academy and the Delancey Street Foundation . A few, like the
Fortune Academy, have successfully incorporated more than
one type of housing in a congregate facility (emergency
and phased permanent). Below is a brief mention of models

 


for Previously Incarcerated People.” Another resource is Policy


Prisoners to the Community” (www.reentrypolicy.org/Report/TOC).
The Cornerstone Program in San Fernando Valley, »

identifying services to homeless adults with

Angeles County jail system. This program contracts
for a certain number of emergency beds with a

memorandum of understanding with a private
landlord who remodels buildings and then rents

term supportive housing for program participants.
Cornerstone also outright owns nine small
properties that it rents to clients at a subsidized
rate.
 »


permanent supportive housing facility. This was

who had already completed a transitional housing
program. The facility, St. Andrews Court, is
adjacent to the agencys reentry services facility,

are funded by the Department of Corrections
at a cost just below the cost of providing parole
supervision, in exchange for the agency providing
housing, supportive services and supervision of the


disabled individuals with or without a history of
incarceration.
Delancey Street Foundation, based in San Francisco, »

congregate supportive housing facilities for
homeless persons, with or without incarceration
histories, where the residents spend a minimum of

the credo “each one, teach one,” all of the work is
done by the resident participants, with the more
experienced teaching the less experienced. Each
resident receives educational and occupational
training that prepares them to work in one or
more of the program’s businesses, which include
restaurants, cafes, moving businesses, furniture
making and bookstores. Facilities exist in San

and North Carolina.
Volunteers of America’s Project Oasis, based in »
Newark, NJ, operates three community residences
where the formerly incarcerated residents are

employment training program, after which they are
assisted in obtaining independent housing and jobs.
 »
located in Brooklyn, New York, has served women
involved in the criminal justice system. WPA has
three housing programs: the Hopper Home, an
Alternative to Incarceration program providing


the Sarah Powell Huntington House, a transitional

homeless and formerly incarcerated women seeking



New York.
Community Partners in Action, located in Hartford, »
Connecticut, runs several supportive housing



housing program funded by the local Department of
Corrections for men released from DOC facilities.
Span Transitional Housing in Boston, Massachusetts, »
provides transitional scattered site SRO housing
and comprehensive case management services
to previously incarcerated persons living with
HIV/AIDS.
Pioneer Human Services, located in Seattle, »

organization that integrates housing with

case management services, and training and
rehabilitation services to over 5,000 clients a
year. Most clients have histories of incarceration,
homelessness and/or substance abuse. It
operates various programs throughout the
State of Washington.
Oxford House, based in Silver Springs, Maryland, is »
an umbrella organization that provides resources
and training to men and women recovering from
drug and alcohol abuse (some of whom have


homes located in stable neighborhoods. Each home


Organizations contemplating providing supportive
housing to the formerly incarcerated must not only be
prepared to meet the challenge of raising the funds – or
starting businesses – to support their programs, but must
just as importantly be prepared to cope with and respond to
the groundswell of heated opposition that may be expected
to arise from the host community.
“Not In My Backyard”:
The Problem of Siting Supportive Housing

of a neighborhood attempt to protect against unwelcome
developments, fearing that they will lower property values,


to as the “Not in My Backyard” or “NIMBY” Syndrome.
Given that one’s home represents safety, it is no surprise
that strong protectionist emotions and concerns will
surface in opposition to any perceived threat to that safety

NIMBY reactions are greater when the local stakeholders
lack participation in the proposed project, lack accurate
information about the clients and/or the problems they


proposed development is a residential facility for people
with criminal records or other troubled and/or socially
stigmatized individuals (e.g., recovering drug addicts,
mentally ill individuals, people with HIV/AIDS — all of
whom are represented in the population of people with

In a study of seven communities which had experienced
the siting or attempted siting of residences for the formerly

that the community members expressed understanding of
the importance of housing and rehabilitation services for
the formerly incarcerated, but nonetheless felt an overriding
concern for their safety in being near such a facility and

residents. These fears typically escalated in accordance
with the size of the facility and number of residents to be
served, the seriousness of the potential residents’ criminal
histories, and the likelihood that the facilitys neighbors
would encounter the residents in public spaces and on

fear were elevated when the neighbors were unfamiliar



of social service programs in their neighborhood (Dear,

NIMBY opposition – which can take the form of protests,





Strong NIMBY opposition can also endanger obtaining
funds or the continuity of funding streams for the program

But there is also a positive side to NIMBY. Research
and case studies on the siting of supportive housing
programs for the homeless and/or formerly incarcerated,
while limited in number, nonetheless consistently furnish
strong evidence that meaningfully engaging the community
goes a long way toward gaining its acceptance. Such
engagement may comprise actions such as involving local
stakeholders in the siting process, genuinely addressing
their concerns and fears, providing means for them to

5
and trust in the provider organization, and educating them




In addition, a meaningful engagement with the local
stakeholders has the potential to improve a supportive
housing program and strengthen the host community.
Summary


to respond to an overwhelming need for supportive
housing, despite a lack of resources. Given the enormous
need for supportive reentry housing – and the limited
resources available – sharing among service providers of
best practices and lessons learned is critical. This toolkit
highlights the experience of The Fortune Society in its

neighborhood in West Harlem, New York City. In addition
to the many other challenges associated with becoming
a provider of supportive reentry housing, The Fortune


incarcerated men and women, some of whom with a history

be learned from the Fortune story is that of how it engaged
with the community in such a way that strong opposition
was transformed to robust support and admiration.
II: A Case Study
Fortune Society Decides to Add
Reentry Supportive Housing


incarcerated women and men – and those at risk of
incarceration – the skills and services they need to break the
cycle of crime and incarceration. Fortune had experienced

services. A holistic approach, it includes substance abuse
treatment, HIV/AIDS treatment and other health services,
alternatives to incarceration programs, educational and
vocational training, anger management and life skills
training, and counseling.
In the course of a strategic

 The Fortune Society’s mission statement expresses its
philosophy about the transformational potential of human beings: The








 l
that the organization was losing too many clients to the
streets and prisons due to lack of housing. Without safe
and stable housing upon leaving prison, clients could not
likely gain the traction necessary to rebuild their lives.
Taking on the challenges of growing the organization

housing, Fortune decided to establish the Fortune Academy

permanent” supportive housing to homeless formerly
incarcerated people, regardless of their criminal history.

between transitional and permanent housing by providing
housing that is “permanent for this phase of the person’s
life,” with the expectation that the person will move on
to independent housing in the community when ready –
usually in a year or more – but will have continued access to
Fortune’s supportive services and the opportunity to return
to the Academy in the future if s/he experiences a crisis
that would otherwise result in a return to homelessness.
Despite obstacles in funding and heated resistance from
the area residents, the Fortune Academy opened its
doors in April 2002 with the support of the community.



purpose was to articulate a vision for the organization’s
future and design a blueprint to ensure it would have

challenges in growing the organization. Working with

the important issues necessary for its growth: leadership,
management and trust. The organization emerged with a
stronger culture and management structure. To address
the unmet needs of its homeless clients, the organization

piece of which was to raise funds for the purchase and
development of a piece of property for use as a congregate
supportive housing facility. Notably, there was not

the additional task of providing supportive housing:

such housing, were concerned about funding, lack of
community support, and diverting attention away from the
important services Fortune was already providing to the
formerly incarcerated and those at risk of incarceration.
Mindful of these concerns and of the fact that a
supportive housing facility would be both a business and

Fortune Academy was an all encompassing one. It included:
A sober assessment of the level of manageable »

what funds could be put at risk to purchase

Developing an exit strategy to keep the organization »
solvent and its reputation intact if the plan for

6
Ongoing recruiting for The Fortune Society Board »
of Directors to incorporate expertise in areas such
as real estate, project capital management and

Strategically securing a blend of public funds to »

Fortune’s decisions about which clients to serve and

 »
partners with appropriate experience and

Developing detailed operational and program »
details, including intake and screening procedures,

security needs and operating budgets for the

 »

Visiting existing supportive housing facilities to »


Selecting a suitable location for a congregate »

Planning a comprehensive community outreach »

The Castle
With an established budget for purchase of a property

Fortune began the search for a suitable housing facility,
mindful of factors such as zoning for group living, ease of

more than 20 possible locations all over Manhattan, Fortune


Harlem. The Castle had been abandoned for more than 20
years, was in a state of ruin and was host to illicit drug use

millions of dollars to renovate – for which a capital drive
would be needed – the building had great potential and
came with an adjacent empty lot that would ultimately
give Fortune options for future growth. The Castle was
zoned for use as congregate housing and, importantly
for future clients, easily accessible by public transit from
any area of the city. It was situated in the predominantly

Heights,” a primarily residential area within West Harlem.
The neighborhood immediately surrounding the Castle had

families (as measured by reference to national median
household income ranges), in contrast to the prevalence of
lower household income areas in West Harlem generally.

politically well organized and had previously clashed with
city planners over the unwelcome placement of a sewage
treatment plant along the Hudson River right across
from the Castle. The sewage treatment plant had been
originally planned for construction in a predominantly

placement in Hamilton Heights, without involvement
of West Harlem’s advisory Community Board or input
from the community, had left residents feeling bitter and
abused. Another pertinent piece of the neighborhood’s
history was the lingering anger about what it perceived

programs in West Harlem, many of them placed there by
the State of New York without community involvement,
and many of which had closed their doors once state
funding streams ended, leaving the clients behind to
fend for themselves. Knowing this history, and aware
of generally negative attitudes toward the homeless
and those with criminal records, Fortune expected a
high degree of neighborhood hostility and resistance.

Community Outreach and Response
The Castle site had two advantages: because Fortune
purchased the property with it own funds, no city or
community level approval was needed for the organization

group living, Fortune did not need to seek a zoning variance.
Fortune could have ignored the host neighborhood and
7
8
proceeded “as of right” with its renovation and supportive
housing program plans. However, the organization wanted
its Fortune Academy program to be a part of the community
for the long haul” and appreciated that success would in

of the program and trust in The Fortune Society as an

comprehensive outreach strategy. On the one hand, they
collaborated with the community, following the principles
of respect, transparency, accountability, accessibility and
being a good neighbor” and, on the other hand, remained

housing to formerly incarcerated persons without
discrimination based on criminal histories. The strategy
also took into account practical concerns of marshalling and


the physical and emotional stamina needed to endure what
could likely be a protracted and volatile process. Because





to work collaboratively with the community on gaining
acceptance:
Hiring a Public Relations Consultant: » To assist in
planning the community outreach, Fortune hired a
public relations consultant. The consultant stressed
the importance of being transparent, addressing
people’s concerns and issues immediately,
maintaining a steady presence , and
helping make the community safer.
 » Before
directly engaging with the community, Fortune
sought the early support and advice of its elected

with Fortune or knew of its work by reputation.



stakeholders, both those who could help build a
support base and those who would oppose them.
They predicted that the stakeholders would raise

of social service programs in West Harlem and
that the immediate neighbors to the Castle – the


door – would present the strongest opposition, due
to their proximity to the Castle.
Identifying Community Stakeholders: » Based
upon advice sought and their own research, Fortune

included: the Executive Committee of the local
Community Board (which consists of appointed
members of the community who advise elected


two committees of the local Community Board, the




Friends of Riverbank State Park organization.

clients, as well as Board Members, identifying who
could be mobilized to assist with the outreach,
strategically taking advantage of prior relationships
of trust and connections to local leaders.
Hiring a Community Liaison: » Fortune also decided
early on to hire a community liaison and chose for
that key role a former employee who had long lived
in Harlem. He was a trusted pillar of the community

programs for the formerly incarcerated. He was also
a great presenter and patient listener. A formerly

him at local stakeholders’ meetings. Between the
two of them, the public faces of the community
engagement campaign had both legitimacy and
authenticity.
One-on-One Relationship Building by »
Organization’s Leaders: Another early decision
was to have the CEO of Fortune, JoAnne Page,
supported as needed by the current board chair,
Roland Nicholson, attend every community meeting
likely to be ”hot and volatile” or at which detailed

to approaching the local stakeholders at public
meetings, JoAnne and other team members engaged

from groups that were likely to be supportive (and
who could then act as ambassadors), as well as with

opposed. As JoAnne explained,








One community board member interviewed noted
this strategy and commented on its success in
building support for the project, saying,








Balancing Client Needs With Giving Voice to »
Community Concerns: Mindful of the diversity in

of outreach, Fortune adopted a variegated process
that, above all, allowed the local stakeholders

their concerns and feel heard and valued. Fortune
varied both the format and location of community
outreach – from private meetings with individuals
at neutral places, to small and large local meetings
on the stakeholders’ home turfs, to meetings held
at the Castle as it was being renovated and at other
Fortune facilities, to attendance at neighborhood
events. Whatever the outreach format, the Fortune
team aimed to strike a certain balance: They were
determined to be accessible, respectful of local
stakeholders’ concerns, and accountable to the host
community, while remaining committed to their

to provide emergency and phased permanent
supportive housing to homeless, formerly
incarcerated individuals (including those convicted
of serious crimes.)
By way of example, when sharing with the

date information about what they planned to do
(re: renovations and the design of the Academy
program), the Fortune team was also implicitly
communicating its determination to go forward.
There was, moreover, never any attempt to soft
pedal the fact that the Fortune Academy would not


local stakeholder groups how supportive housing
for people returning home from jail and prison
would promote public safety, the very goal the
community desired.
The Fortune team also provided information and
statistics to debunk stereotypes and myths about
the formerly incarcerated and nuanced information
about the risks of recidivism. Through such



reality that community safety is best assured
when people return home from jail and prison to
supervised supportive housing, rather than living
without support on the streets.
Fortune’s liaison recalled how he explained at
community meetings the central feature of the
organization’s mission, giving hope and opportunity
to those returning home:
“These people are coming
home. So, are they going
to come home to some
kind of hope or are they
coming home to despair?


around and need a support system to




Taking the Heat and Making Concessions »
Without Jeopardizing Essential Client Needs: As
expected, however, the area residents’ reaction, for

For over a year, meetings were contentious and

threats of taking measures to stop Fortune from
opening the Academy. Some opponents actually did
circulate a petition to stop the project. The biggest
fear concerned the clients themselves, given that

facility and the clients would share public spaces
and transportation with neighborhood residents.
Neighbors accused Fortune of wanting to bring
hardened criminals” to their neighborhood who
would be free to roam and steal from, assault or
rape them. The neighbors expressed concerns about
the high needs of certain formerly incarcerated
persons, such as those with chronic mental illness.
There was immense concern about bringing sex

Fortune remained adamant in its commitment
not to discriminate on the basis of criminal or
medical/psychiatric history, but also reassured
the local stakeholders that persons who posed a
current threat of violence or who would otherwise
endanger the community would not be admitted
to or allowed to remain at the Academy. Fortune
carefully explained its screening process and
security measures, assuring the area residents that
community safety would be a foremost criterion

basis. The community was made aware of the strict
house rules and code of conduct that residents at the

Fortune made the decision to service them, but,
in a concession to the local stakeholders’ strong
concerns, agreed not to accept at the Castle level


solely on the type of crime they had committed, but,

9
The level of community heat on this issue was such
that Fortune could not jeopardize the entire project.
The community also expressed its deep frustration
that West Harlem was already and had long been

agencies, all of whom promised great things, but
many of whom proved not to be accountable when
things went wrong. Fortune’s response to this
concern was nuanced. Fortune understood the
many subtext issues inherent in this frustration: the

legitimate concerns, based on past bad experiences,


would be another agency that would temporarily
invade the neighborhood, never intending to
become part of the fabric of the neighborhood. In


Being a Good Neighbor and Responding »
Promptly to Community Concerns: To
demonstrate that it was determined to be a good
neighbor, Fortune used deeds, not words, and

When Fortune learned that the holdover tenant
on its back lot was conducting an extensive drug

lot, Fortune moved to evict him and got the police

trespassers were engaged in drug dealing and use
and prostitution inside the Castle, it boarded up
the building, fenced in the property and hired a

keep trespassers out. When a neighbor complained
of the noxious odors emanating from garbage that
had accumulated over the years, Fortune cleared
all of it away. Noise complaints were handled with
similar expediency. To increase safety, Fortune

over 20 years, the Castle had an owner who dutifully

front of and alongside the Castle. Fortune made the

opened its doors to any residents.
Building Trust in the Agency: » To demonstrate
transparency and the competence to run the
proposed Academy program, the Fortune team
invited its opponents to tour its other facilities,

Fortune’s other neighbors. To show accessibility and
that it would be accountable should any problems
arise, Fortune’s community liaison attended six
local stakeholder meetings every single month,
whether or not the Academy was on the agenda, as
well as special neighborhood events, from the time

of the Fortune Academy in 2002. (The liaison still
attends those meetings each month.) Knowing
 who to contact to express concerns was,
and remains, very important to the community.
Many local stakeholders interviewed expressed

One Community Board member said:














Honoring the Architectural Heritage of the »
Castle: Fortune applied for and received listing of
the Castle on the National Historic Register and
committed itself to restore the Castle as nearly as


the area residents, as it made the Castle once again
a source of neighborhood pride. Fortune’s architect,



shared that with the area residents. Fortune
also agreed to make the Castle a resource for the
community, allowing groups to hold their meetings
there. In another concession to the host community
and signal of its intent to be a good neighbor,
Fortune agreed to give priority to formerly
incarcerated men and women from Harlem.
Creating a Community Advisory Board: » To
create a sense of shared ownership in the project
and further integrate itself into the community,
Fortune created a Community Advisory Board
early in the process. They invited as members
elected representatives, Community Board
leadership, and neighbors, including opponents
of the project. Fortune used its Advisory Board to
share information on the proposed renovations
and program design, listen to the area residents’
concerns, and solicit input from the Board members,
honoring their local experience and knowledge. As
Fortune’s community liaison put it, an organization
must  adding, What

 According to an advisory board
member interviewed, the impact of all this was to
make the local stakeholders feel valued:
10
“People need to be valued
and when you show them
that you value their thoughts,
ideas and talents, you will
have a lasting relationship
with them.









Perseverance in Relationship Building and »
Learning From Mistakes: It took time, but by the
time the Castle opened its doors in 2002, there was
a great deal of community acceptance. The local
stakeholders interviewed felt that a partnership had
evolved between Fortune and the community. They
attributed that evolution to Fortune’s transparency,
responsiveness to their concerns, evident passion

through. As one local stakeholder summarized it:
















An important test of community acceptance of
the Academy, and a learning moment for Fortune,
occurred after the Castle opened. A client who

conviction came to live at the Academy. Once the
news leaked to the press, immediately there were
demonstrations and reporters day and night in front

his arrival. Many of the protestors were from the

West Harlem. This client stayed in the Castle for two
weeks until Fortune asked him to leave for violating

not deliberately seek media attention, although he
continued to receive services at Fortune’s main service site
in downtown Manhattan. In the process, Fortune gained
valuable experience in handling intensive media attention
and learned two important things about community
relations. One, the demonstrators were not opposed to the
supportive housing program at the Castle, but, rather, they



community. This population was less integrated into the
established political structure of West Harlem. Fortune
learned that in identifying stakeholders, it must be careful to
identify and reach out to those who may be disenfranchised

this and continues its work of relationship building.
The Legacy of the Fortune Academy Project

the Castle in 2002, there have been no challenges to its
presence there or the way the program is run. There have
been no complaints about client behavior, and no safety
issues have surfaced. The Fortune Society has kept its
promise of running a safe congregate supportive housing
facility. It continues its organizational culture of being
a good neighbor (e.g., the community liaison continues


annual Halloween “haunted castle” parties and backyard
health fairs are held for the area residents). That same
“good neighbor” culture is passed on to the clients, who
are expected to be friendly and courteous with neighbors
and take ownership and pride in the care of neighborhood

noted, “Whats so great about them is that Fortune Society
is pretty low key. We don’t hear from The Fortune Society.”
Many community members interviewed likewise measured
success in part by how little they notice that there is a
supportive housing project in their neighborhood and how
“no impact is good impact.” One neighbor put it this way:
11







Others interviewed expressed their appreciation
that with the Fortune Academy at the Castle the
neighborhood is now safer and more beautiful. And, the

far the area residents and Fortune have come in working
together as partners to strengthen their community.
When Fortune discussed with its Community Advisory
Board its plans to develop the lot to add permanent
supportive housing apartments and service facilities
for its clients, the advisory board members raised the



in its plans to develop the lot. The Castle Gardens, open


members of the local community. Acknowledging these
steps forward, one advisory board member stated:





“There were people in the
neighborhood who felt the addition
of formerly incarcerated people
into the community was going to
make the community less safe, but
the truth is that its presence has
made the community more safe.
Another important legacy is that the area residents
themselves have undergone transformation in various

of the early opposition to the Fortune Academy was that
cooperative relationships emerged among community
groups that had not previously worked together. According
to local stakeholders interviewed, the process of community
engagement with Fortune also set for them a high, but
achievable, standard for how other social services providers

good working relationships with host communities. Other
neighborhood residents learned from the experience how
to be better advocates for their needs and expressed that
they now enjoyed “a stronger bond with local politicians.”
Another important transformation was in how area
residents changed their views on the formerly incarcerated.
The greatest turnaround occurred among those who most
feared that their vulnerable community would be hurt by
the presence of the Academy at the Castle. These individuals
eventually became the Academys greatest supporters. One
Castle neighbor, who had never expected that the Fortune
Academy would gain community acceptance, saw that
“there was …a complete turnaround, [from] we don’t want
these horrible people here to we can be neighbors and we
can work together.” This same individual describes the
Academys clients as





Given this evolved appreciation and understanding
of the Fortune Academy program, it is no surprise that
community members have come to solicit the services of
the Academy for family or friends returning home from
incarceration, giving to the Academy a strong stamp of
approval.
III: What Does the Fortune
Academy Story Tell Us?
The proposal to create supportive housing for formerly
incarcerated individuals in a West Harlem residential
neighborhood was initially met, not surprisingly, with
intense anger and fear. And yet, community resistance began


in place by The Fortune Society’s leadership from the very
beginning of the project. Today, eight years after the opening
of the Fortune Academy at the Castle, The Fortune Society is
viewed as an important partner in making the surrounding


members at its new housing facility, Castle Gardens.
What were the critical factors that contributed to The
Fortune Society’s success in gaining community acceptance
for the Fortune Academy? What does it suggest to other
organizations considering similar supportive housing
programs in their communities, especially those serving
homeless formerly incarcerated individuals?
One place to look for critical success factors is in

operations in established neighborhoods. White and Ashton
“the by-product


Those who



12


leadership to achieve community acceptance for the Fortune


The literature on overcoming NIMBY – or resolving
siting disputes – provides guidelines for understanding and



Community Acceptance Strategies Consortium (CASC) in

Northern California (NPH) and Michael Dear, a leading

Fortune Society leadership. The CASC and NPH approach is

with internal planning meetings by the organization


developer faces: government, supporters, concerned
neighbors/potential opponents, the media and the





While these strategies may seem rather straightforward
in text, implementing them successfully can be challenging.
To understand why the Fortune Academy was ultimately
embraced by the community, it may be helpful to place the
strategies and guidelines in the context of constructs and


practices.
Thinking of a community as a “system,” and viewing the
siting of an outreach program through the lens of systems
change, highlights the fact that the introduction of such a
program will likely impact the neighborhood in ways both
planned and unplanned. Generally, community residents
fear that the siting of what they view as an undesirable
outreach program will have a negative impact on their

Service providers focus instead on the positive impacts that

and on society indirectly. Systems thinking recognizes that
in a “system” all parts impact one another and the whole
is greater than the sum of its parts. Therefore, introducing
a social services program into a residential neighborhood
 have impacts beyond those that the service provider
envisions. As experts on their neighborhood, community
members can help the service provider create a more

alienated by the project. As a result, service providers

systems change (Burke, 2002):
identifying the »  (i.e., all individuals
and groups 


working with these stakeholders, honoring their »

“educating” stakeholder by being honest and »

creating and participating in opportunities for »
ongoing input from and dialogue with stakeholders,

 »
the stakeholders and for the systems as a whole.
Fortune applied each of these principles as they
approached the community to gain acceptance for the
Fortune Academy. For example, they chose as one of their
three main “ambassadors” a highly respected Harlem
resident who knew the community (i.e., “system”) as an

the community of the future transformation of the Castle.

potential clients of the Academy are neighborhood residents
who will be “returning home.”

resolution also help to explain the success of the Fortune

literature is 
work together to identify a resolution that meets both of


positions (i.e. “what

needs and interests
collaborative approach, The Fortune Society leadership
never 
opponents to the Academy) and never sought to dominate
when its positions were at odds with those expressed by the
community. Even though Fortune had the legal right and
power to place its housing program at the Castle, it chose to

addition, rather than reacting to the overtly stated positions
of the various stakeholder groups, Fortune’s leadership
worked tirelessly to gain insight into the underlying needs
of the various constituencies so that they could then jointly


was the way that Fortune handled the intense community

Most community stakeholders took the position that sex
under any
circumstances
and their lack of knowledge of the distinctions among them

the Fortune leadership responded by making a concession

13
14

, a clear “need” and
priority among its neighbors. In addition, they explained




members who sometimes visited the Castle (e.g., during the
annual Halloween haunted castle neighborhood event.)
Finally, the Fortune Academys leadership team behaved
consistently with the leadership principles of successful
change agents. Models of positive organization leadership
stress the importance of having a clear vision of the future
as well as the ability to lead the organization through the


CEO and Board led by creating and conveying a clear and
compelling vision for the project, while staying open
to input from others about ways of implementing the

housing for community members in the plans for Castle
Gardens. The inclusion was suggested by neighborhood
members and would not have been a part of the project
otherwise. Also, Fortune’s leadership led the organization
through internal changes necessary to grow as an
organization and become a housing provider, and they
demonstrated the courage and determination to see the
project through to successful completion. Community
members commented on the unwavering persistence
and commitment that the Fortune leadership exhibited,
attending meeting after meeting, and always making
the time to listen to one more concern or complaint.
IV: Best Practices for Gaining
Community Support: Applying
Lessons Learned to Your
Community

some best practices for gaining community acceptance for a
supportive housing project.
Organizational Readiness:
Deciding to Make the Commitment

housing for the formerly incarcerated in a neighborhood



literature (e.g., CASC, 2000), as well as The Fortune Society
case study, successful organizations need to consider a
wide range of issues, develop strategies and plans and then


to embark on a challenging new initiative, like supportive
housing? While it may be tempting for organization
leaders to “dive in” and begin to plan for the initiative,
it is extremely useful – and maybe even necessary – to
begin with an 
state. Taking on an inherently ambitious project that is
also likely to attract much community opposition will
put stresses on an organization, revealing gaps in its
knowledge or capacity. Questions about the current
leadership model, the competency levels of organization

and prospects, and the state of client services should all
be addressed. As a result of this assessment, it may well be

the organizational capacities that are determined to be

organization leaders can turn their attention to Phase 2.

of the proposed project and compare them against the
current and/or emerging organizational capabilities.

and expertise, and necessary knowledge and skills for
the new initiative should all be considered. Once the


(Phase 2), the decision about whether or not to embark on
the project can be made.
Another factor to consider in making the commitment
to an ambitious new project is its relevance to the
organization’s mission. A project that is viewed as well
aligned with the organizations mission has obvious
advantages. For example, Fortune determined that for a
portion of its clients – those who are homeless upon leaving
prison – the scarcity of available supportive housing
undermines and seriously impedes their successful reentry.
While the Fortune Academy would be able to meet only a
small fraction of the need for such housing in New York
City, Fortune’s leadership hoped that its existence might
serve as a model for others, and, perhaps, help to bring
down some barriers to supportive housing in the future.


about the prospect of launching a challenging project like
supportive housing. They may not be eager or willing to

about the priority, timing or desirability of the project.
It is important for organization leaders to acknowledge
the doubts of organization members at the same time

and the organizational capacity for success. In the case

fundamental wisdom of adding housing to their portfolio.
They worried that it would impact their capacity to provide

to get, and/or that the community opposition would be

shared their plan to proceed incrementally, building into

which the organization could discontinue the project if
the risk to organizational functioning was determined

the resulting areas of growth, the placement of “choice
points” into the planning process and the open debate all
helped to “plant the seeds” for the eventual acceptance
by Fortune employees of a new, broader portfolio.
The Fortune example demonstrates some of the
ways that leaders can best shepherd their organization
when making a decision about launching a new initiative:




appropriate, demonstrating an unwavering belief in the
project and in the organization’s capacity to accomplish it.
Beginning Community Outreach:
Identifying the Stakeholders
Identifying those groups of individuals who have a

supportive housing for formerly incarcerated individuals,




can act as ambassadors in the community, concerned
neighbors/potential opponents, the media and the
courts
5
(CASC, 2000.) Organizations should modify


part, they may be able to identify both potential supporters
and opponents. A truism in NIMBY situations is that the
closer the neighbor to the site of the project or service, the

This was true in the Fortune Academy case. The most
vocal opposition to the Academy came from and was led
by residents of the building across the street. Fortune’s
faces” to the community (i.e., the CEO, the esteemed Harlem
resident and the former drug dealer and Fortune client)
spent a great deal of time listening to the concerns of these
neighbors.
Within a stakeholder group, it may be challenging to
identify all impacted members. For example, identifying all

especially in racially or culturally diverse neighborhoods.
For example, Fortune initially relied upon Community

supporters and opponents. However, in the West Harlem
neighborhood surrounding the Academy, African Americans
were well represented at the Community Board meetings

5 This is true in cases in which the opposition to the
project is in violation of antidiscrimination or housing laws.

community surfaced in a dispute about the housing of a


important lesson that the more disenfranchised members

creative outreach.
A takeaway lesson is that organizations should not
rely on any one approach or strategy to identify all key
stakeholders in the community. Neighborhood meetings may
be ideal for attracting some stakeholders, but not others.

all. 
, e.g., churches,
schools, political events, community meetings, other social
agencies, media, etc.
Two Pillars of Trust:
Accessibility and Accountability

is the importance of 
For this to happen, an organization needs to be purposeful
in choosing who will serve as the “face” to the community of

representatives its CEO, a community liaison who was a

Fortune Society client known to the community as a drug
dealer and who had since begun to turn his life around.
These individuals served as both spokespersons and active
listeners.
15


Community

phone calls must be returned promptly. Meetings that are
important to community members should be attended,
even if they do not directly relate to the organizations
project. (As was noted, Fortune’s community liaison
still attends 6 + community meetings a month, some
eight years after the Academy opened its doors.)
The other critical builder of trust is accountability.

may be the location of more social service agencies
and projects than they believe is their fair share, have

As a


 Virtually every
stakeholder who was interviewed about the Fortune

always did what they said they would do – they followed
through.” The importance of this cannot be overstated.
To be accountable to the community while still pursuing
the mission and goals of the organization and the project

Being a “Good Neighbor
Most simply, for an organization to be a good neighbor
to the community in which it seeks to be located means:
being honest and straightforward about its organizational
mission, acting with transparency about its operations and
plans, listening to the needs and concerns of the community,
trying to meet or accommodate those needs whenever
possible and committing to making the neighborhood safer
and stronger. The mindset underlying the “good neighbor”
philosophy strives for a 


In the case of The Fortune Society leadership, they shared
with all community members the goals of greater public

neighborhood around the Castle more desirable for all.
 is one hallmark of a “Good Neighbor.” Candor
about an organizations client population is essential. For
example, Fortune did not cover up the fact that they would

formerly incarcerated individuals who needed it most,
without discriminating on the basis of criminal record.


individuals who have been convicted of a violent crime
are accepted at the Castle as long as they demonstrate a
strong commitment to changing their lives, abide by the
house rules, and pose no current threat of violence.
Transparency can be demonstrated by sharing plans for
the facility with the community well before implementing



additional information as necessary. Fortune used all of

not hiding information and had no secret plans that would
be kept hidden until it was too late for the community to
stop them from implementing them.
Importantly, being a good neighbor means listening to

expressed with anger or hostility. It is understandable that
a strong and organized community opposition to a project
could be seen as solely a negative force. While challenging
for the organization, a clearly organized resistance
can, however, make it easier to determine the needs of
the stakeholders and, ultimately, to meet them. When


concerns. There is no need to worry that listening will be
confused with agreement about the merits of their concerns.



for collaboration. Fortune’s community liaison advised
that organizations should 
and added, 


As
a former member of the Fortune Academy leadership
noted, clients understood that when they were out in the
community, they were being scrutinized. If they behaved
in a surly manner or were careless about littering, the

Leadership Effectiveness:
Embodying Strength and Grace

compelling vision of the future as well as the ability to lead


Cameron, 2005). The leaders commitment may be sorely
tested when faced with angry, organized opposition to the
organization’s plans. It is imperative that the leader, as well
as other organizational representatives, continue to show
up. Their presence at meetings with community members
who are strongly opposed to their plans is crucial. When
the situation gets hot, they may experience a natural desire


community opposition. Showing up is the minimum
leadership commitment. 


 Mirroring the
16
reactions of the project opponents by expressing anger
or behaving defensively will be counterproductive.
Finally, the connection between the organization’s
leadership and the community can be viewed as a
relationship that needs to be built and .

organizational leadership. In order for a healthy relationship
to develop, the organization’s leadership must behave
in ways that conveys that they are trustworthy. In such
situations, community members are especially attuned to
inconsistencies in a leaders behavior. Therefore when an
organization leader says he or she is going to do something,

a key ingredient to building a successful and trusting
relationship between the organization and the community.
V: Conclusion
Fortune Society’s journey toward becoming a provider
of supportive reentry housing for formerly incarcerated

strong reactions of anger and resistance from community
members to the siting of the Fortune Academy in “their

trust from neighbors who perceived common ground with
Fortune’s commitment toward making the community
stronger and safer. The resistance, anger and fear of
neighborhood members toward a residential facility for
people with a history of incarceration (and/or of other
socially stigmatizing conditions) is not surprising. The

and service providers with a better understanding of

some guidelines for engaging with community members
via a collaborative, transparent approach that can
lead to successful initiatives and positive alliances.
For additional information, see the References
section of this document for a roadmap of both scholarly
and practical resources. Also, you may wish to visit The
Fortune Society’s website (www.fortunesociety.org)
and/or contact them for more detailed information.
VI: Endnotes
Methodology

least one person from each of the following stakeholder
groups and some individuals representing more than one





persons interviewed were working with an area
stakeholder group and/or living in the neighborhood
during the time that Fortune was developing the


Data were organized and analyzed with the assistance

package – to identify common themes, become aware of
turning points, and compare relationships, perceptions,
responses and actions across the stakeholder groups.
References

workers alike say the Fortune Academy is a model for sending prisoners


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


Corrections Publication (
f).

New York City: Penguin Books.

to Reality” (www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ccdo/pub/pdf/facasestudy.pdf).

www.
l).


i).


Press.


1717
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ccdo).

of former prisoners.” Probation Journal: The Journal of Community and

Hart Shegos, E. (2006). “Thinking Beyond NIMBY: Building Community
Support for Supportive Housing.” In Family Matters: A Guide to Developing

Supportive Housing Publication (www.CSH, 2006.org/publications).







Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics.




Recidivism.” Center for Impact Research Publication (www.
impactresearch.org/documents/recidivismfullreprot.pdf).

Paper submitted at the National Symposium on Homelessness Research


Return of Prisoners to the Community,” (2005). New York City: Council of
State Governments Publication (www.reentrypolicy.org/Report/TOC).


Publication.


Institute (l).






and Human Resources, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
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www.kap.samhsa.gov?products/
m).
“Siting of Homeless Housing and Services and Best Practices for Common
Acceptance.” (2000). Community Acceptance Strategies Consortium and
www.
g).
Wilson, J., et al. (2005). “Smoothing the Path From Prison to Home: A
Summary.” New York City: Vera Institute of Justice Publication.
Whetten, D.A. and Cameron, K.S. (2005). Developing Management Skills



Brunswick, Canada.


Initiative.” Government of Canada. (www.homelessness.gc.ca).
CONTRIBUTORS
John Jay College of Criminal

of New York is a liberal arts
college dedicated to education,
research and service in the

science and related areas of
public safety and public service. It strives to endow students with the


personal and social growth and creative problem solving that results from


cultural, historical, economic and political forces that shape our society.
The Prisoner Reentry Institute (PRI) at John Jay College of Criminal




mission, PRI develops, manages, and evaluates innovative reentry


and formerly incarcerated individuals as a vehicle for successful reentry

The Fortune Society

service and advocacy
organization, founded

is to support successful
reentry from prison and promote alternatives to incarceration, thus
strengthening the fabric of our communities. Fortune works to create
a world where all who are incarcerated or formerly incarcerated can
become positive, contributing members of society. We do this through a

forty years of experience working with people with criminal records.
In 2007, The Fortune Society launched the David Rothenberg Center
for Public Policy (DRCPP).While Fortune has always engaged in
advocacy and community education, DRCPP is focused on the
coordination of Fortune’s policy development, advocacy, technical

integrates Fortune’s internal expertise – the life experience of

experience as a longstanding direct service provider.
The International Center for Cooperation and

developing knowledge and practice to promote

cooperation, and social justice. Based at Teachers


Emeritus Morton Deutsch, one of the world’s

is grounded in education: to support individuals, communities and



research, including participatory action research, directly links the
creation of knowledge with its application to issues of social justice.
As part of the Center’s commitment to linking research and
practice, researchers from the ICCCR partnered with Fortune and
PRI to provide scholarly and research support in producing this
toolkit. ICCCR researchers performed literature reviews, conducted
interviews, analyzed data and wrote various sections of this toolkit.
18
ABOUT THIS TOOLKIT
With over 725,000 men and women being released from
prison each year, the need for housing assistance for the
formerly incarcerated population is immense. Indeed,
in addition to linking homelessness and incarceration,
  
     
of barriers place the formerly incarcerated population at a
disadvantage when trying to access safe and stable housing.
For some, returning home to their family is not an option as
family members may be unwilling or unable to accommodate
them. Accessing housing in the private market also presents
a challenge given high prices and landlords’ exercising their
personal discretion to discriminate against people with
criminal histories. Finally, public housing policies – both at
the federal and local level – deny access to individuals with
certain criminal convictions.
     
         
this overwhelming need with few resources. This toolkit
highlights the experience of The Fortune Society in its
development of a housing project in West Harlem. Through
Fortune’s experience, organizations can glean strategies to
help them overcome one of the greatest challenges associated
with providing housing to formerly incarcerated men and

delays, or even shut down. This case study documents
how an organization can address a myriad of community
concerns and ultimately garner support for its project. By
       
this toolkit provides guidance and encouragement to those
organizations working to assist formerly incarcerated
people and create safer communities.