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4-2022

Understanding the Relationship Between Black Chicago Youth Understanding the Relationship Between Black Chicago Youth

and Chicago Drill Music Culture and Chicago Drill Music Culture

Dan'iel Tamirra Kendricks

National Louis Univerisity

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UNDERSTANDING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE YOUNG BLACK

CHICAGO COMMUNITY AND CHICAGO DRILL MUSIC CULTURE

In Partial Fulfillment

UNDERSTANDING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE YOUNG BLACK

CHICAGO COMMUNITY AND CHICAGO DRILL MUSIC CULTURE

Dan’iel T. Kendricks

iv

ABSTRACT

Chicago is most noted as a beautiful, Midwestern city, set to the backdrop of Lake Michigan,

the spotlight and often captured and discussed in mainstream and social media. The internet has

become an essential aspect of everyday life for most of us. The explosion of social media and

music/video streaming platforms has created a means by which Black Chicago youth capture the

leading viewers a few short clicks away from experiencing the “Ghettaverse,” an immersive

virtual experience of poverty, violence, and gang life in Chicago. The popularity of likes and

shares combined with a global hunger for ghetto and poverty voyeurism has created a path for

the poorest residents of Chicago from the most adversely impacted communities to derive a

strategy to reap benefits from the digital economy. Black Chicago youth are sharing “hood”

stories and experiences with millions of individuals worldwide through music and video

streaming. Black Chicago youth have gained worldwide notoriety for creating Chicago drill

music. The qualitative data for this study suggest that Black Chicago youth engage in creating

and listening to navigate the poverty and violence experienced in their environment. This study

led to the understanding of how Black Chicago youth engage in Chicago drill music culture as a

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my deepest appreciation and gratitude to all that supported me

Steve Daniel. I would like to extend the greatest appreciation to my mother and father, Ms.

Barbara Kendricks and Mr. Ervin Kendricks, and to my family for always giving me your

unconditional love and support.

DEDICATION

I dedicate this dissertation to God, my village of loving family and friends, and most of

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... ix

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ x

LIST OF APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ xi

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1

Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................................... 5

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................. 9

The Black Belt: Segregation and Opportunity Gaps in Chicago ................................................ 9

The Fall of Chicago Housing Projects and Rise of Gentrification ........................................... 11

Understanding the Past and Present of Chicago Gangs ............................................................ 13

Picture on Chicago Crime ......................................................................................................... 15

Design ....................................................................................................................................... 39

Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................. 39

Participants ................................................................................................................................ 40

Procedure .................................................................................................................................. 40

Instrumentation ......................................................................................................................... 42

Coding ....................................................................................................................................... 42

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS ..................................................................................................... 44

Research Goals.......................................................................................................................... 44

Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 48

Themes ...................................................................................................................................... 49

Clout .......................................................................................................................................... 64

Evolution/Resilience ................................................................................................................. 65

Emerging Themes ..................................................................................................................... 67

Exploitation ........................................................................................................................... 67

Lived Experience “Big Homie” ............................................................................................ 69

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................. 70

Practical Implications................................................................................................................ 73

Acknowledgement .................................................................................................................... 74

Virtual Interventions and Resources ......................................................................................... 74

Enhanced Opportunities for Digital Development Creation ..................................................... 75

Limitations and Future Research .............................................................................................. 75

shot dead when four gunmen emerged from two cars as he shopped in Chicago’s high-end

shopping district. The murder was suspected to be retaliation against FBG Duck for the recent

of his drill song “Dead Opps.”

The deaths of young talented Chicago rap artists such as Lil JoJo, FBG Duck, Jamari

Williams “Rio Son,” OTF Nunu, Pac Man, L’A Capone, Blood Money, and many more have

risk and lose their lives to gun and gang-related violence. As the popularity of Chicago’s drill

music culture continues to grow and expand internationally, the epidemic of gun violence and

gang-related murders continues to impact young Black Chicago. In a press conference held in

Chicago, October 2021, federal attorneys working for the U.S. Attorney’s Office of Northern

Illinois handed down murder indictments for the murder of Carlton Weakley, also known as

“FBG Duck,” to five Black males from Chicago’s Parkway Garden low-income housing, also

known as “O’Block.” The attorneys blame Chicago drill music for influencing crime across the

city and specifically cited that members of the O’Block street gang had committed the murder

and used music and social media to publicly claim responsibility for acts of violence across the

city to increase their criminal enterprise as Chicago drill music culture continues to generate

and likes on social media. Despite the fame and notoriety of many Chicago drill music artists,

drill induces a negative reaction from many. Many artists have been blacklisted from performing

interconnected relationship with Chicago drill music culture while providing insight and raising

awareness about the realities, traumas, and ingenuity many young Black Chicagoans demonstrate

as they navigate their daily conditions.

The popularity of the Chicago drill music culture has garnered the attention of an

international audience. The rapidly increasing gun violence in Chicago, in combination with the

growing popularity of Chicago drill music, has thrust Chicago into the international spotlight.

Chicago drill music provides a real-time musical soundtrack for many young Black Chicagoans

from Chicago’s most disadvantaged and adversely impacted communities. Drill is a Chicago

South Side slang term, originally used by young teens and young adults to describe wild partying

and uncontrollable fun. As the term drill grew in popularity, it quickly took on new meaning.

The young, party-hard, fast, and exciting “turn-up” lifestyle soon began to become intertwined

with young Chicago street gang members.

The growing evolution of Chicago street culture from neighborhood to the virtual world,

created a means for many to create content, news, and music without the need for expensive

studio settings. The explosion of social media gave many Black Chicagoans an opportunity to

settings, and distribution contracts had now been simplified and could be accessed through a

palm-held smart device. This would soon allow many street-involved Chicago young teenagers

and adults to create music, content, beats, and videos telling their experiences with the potential

creation tools, and music/video production, guns and the hood as a virtual production set, the

word “drill” or “to do a drill” suddenly took on new meaning. Chicago drill music had become

inevitably interlaced with young Black Chicago, street life, gang affiliations, and retaliation,

painting a realistic and grim snapshot of the real-life and meta-hood experiences and violence

faced by many young people on the South Side of Chicago.

Set to the sound of the heavy 808-bass blares, inaudible adlibs, gunshot sound effects,

mumble rap, and violent gang influenced retaliatory lyrics, combined with a music video

backdrop filled with young individuals signifying gang affiliations and brandishing heavy

weaponry, Chicago drill music culture made its international debut in the hip-hop industry. The

distinctly harsh and drastically different sound and messaging of Chicago drill music abandoned

extravagant life outside the “hood.” Drill music embraces struggle and day to day survival by

any means necessary and tells the raw experiences of life in the slums and trenches of Chicago,

economy. Chicago drill music is often characterized as “gang music” or “block music,”

promoting high-risk violent lifestyles and maladaptive survival behavior. Though shunned by

many police districts, political officials, and other public figures, Chicago drill music has been

most disinvested and violent communities of Chicago.

Drill music embraces the ghettoization, criminalization, neighbor-“hood” segregation,

and violence experienced by young Black Chicago. Resilience is described as an individual’s

ability to recover from extreme adverse and traumatic experiences. An individual’s resilience

represents a powerful combination and willingness to adapt and survive while enduring exposure

to adverse experiences. The violent narrative of drill music and vilification of young Black

Chicago drill artists and surveillance of their activities in real life and on social media has been

the targeted focus, with less attention or discussion given to the structural violence and

marginalized communities these young people come from and the savviness and ingenuity they

have demonstrated to hack and take ownership of the music industry from the Chicago slums

relationship between Black Chicago youth and drill music culture. Last, this study tried to

empower, build, and uplift the savvy and innovation young Black Chicagoans demonstrate daily

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

The Black Belt: Segregation and Opportunity Gaps in Chicago

debt the individual or family owes at a given time. A sustainable and livable income, property

ownership with appreciating value, owning a profitable business, savings/retirement accounts,

and investing are key factors that allow individuals and families to build wealth in the United

next through practices such as inheritance, generating funds to pay for tuition and post-secondary

educational cost, purchasing or providing a down payment on a home, or providing other means

of financial cushions that prevent the family’s adult children from going into debt.

The racial wealth gap is the measurement of the income, saving, and asset gap between

White households versus Black and Latino households. Across the United States, White

households earn, on average, 10 times more than Black households and 8 times more than Latin

households (The Chicago Community Trust, 2020). This is especially demonstrated in Chicago

due to decades of astounding government policies and practices, leading Chicago to become one

of the most segregated cities in the United States. In the early 20th century, government practices

such as legislative redistricting redrew the boundaries for the Chicago housing market and school

practices kept Blacks in Chicago limited to living only in certain areas and forming what is now

referred to as the “Black belt” on Chicago’s South Side.

compared to 39% of Blacks (Rodkin, 2018).

The ramifications of oppressive government practices have far-reaching implications

spanning beyond the Chicago real estate market. The impact of these practices has extended to

disparities in accessing financial services, and restricting access to quality education. The gap in

Black homeownership in Chicago directly represents Black Chicagoans having a lack of access

to stable neighborhoods, less accrual of wealth/savings, and being at a disadvantage in pursuit of

achieving upward economic mobility.

Harvard professor and economist Raj Chetty has earned notoriety for his studies on

economic mobility and for his development of the Opportunity Atlas, a tool that uses census data

and income tax return information to track economic mobility across the country (Kang, 2019).

According to Chetty, one of the worst places for Blacks, particularly Black males, to achieve

upward mobility is Chicago. According to Petty, Chicago has the largest economic mobility gap

across the 50 states, and this is due largely to the incredible segregation of Chicago’s

Black children growing up in the heart of Chicago are extremely poor due to poor educational

outcomes, increased rates of crime, and the lack of access to mentoring and other social support

Despite the appearance of a thriving Windy City, Chicago has left behind a vast population of

residents confined to certain blocks within the larger neighborhood (Kang, 2019).

The Fall of Chicago Housing Projects and Rise of Gentrification

housing projects, responsible for owning, managing, and housing 5% of the city’s population.

Chicago has the third-largest public housing system in the United States (Chyn, 2018). Chicago

projects were generally comprised of a collection of high-rise buildings and row-house-style

apartments built in very close proximity. The Chicago Housing Authority’s high-rise buildings

would house 75-150 units for families with children (Chyn, 2018). Households eligible for

public housing were eligible if the household was at or below 50% of the Chicago median

income. Families often spent years on the public housing waiting list and often accepted the first

available opening. During this time, most Chicago housing project residents were Black, single-

parent, female-headed households (Chyn, 2018). In the 1990s, it was revealed that the Chicago

Housing Authority was experiencing serious infrastructure and housing management issues,

actual project communities. The type of violence that occurred in CHA housing projects is rarely

discussed. Some of the most egregious incidents have made it into the public media. However,

segregated city (Hagedorn & Rauch, 2007). In the 1950s, then Chicago Mayor Richard Daley

refused to integrate or build public housing structures into non-Black neighborhoods. Instead,

Daley overpopulated public housing structures into predominantly Black Chicago

population (Hagedorn & Rauch, 2007). This decision further reinforced racial segregation and

the geographical and financial housing boundaries within the city.

CHA unveiled its “Plan for Transformation” in 2000. This plan led to the demolition and

forced displacement of over 100,000 Black residents. The Plan for Transformation included a

relocation strategy for qualified residents allowing them to use a low-income voucher to obtain a

subsidy on qualifying existing housing. The caveat to this CHA strategy is that the housing did

not exist. CHA had plans to serve only 15% of residents through the relocation strategy. Of the

residents assisted by the CHA relocation strategy, 97%moved into other non-opportunity areas

across the city (Hagedorn & Rauch, 2007). The demolition of Chicago Housing projects and

displacement of CHA residents had a massive impact on the breakdown of Black neighborhoods.

Understanding the Past and Present of Chicago Gangs

Federal and local law enforcement agencies allege that Chicago is home to over 100

structures. These gangs were primarily founded from the 1950s to 1970s on the South and West

Side of the city and operated under a very vertical hierarchy structure. During this period, many

Black families and communities were shattered due to the demise of the industrial sector,

cocaine epidemic, and the War on Drugs.

The creation of the Chicago Black Belt, combined with the development and demolition

of Chicago’s housing projects, has had a widespread and far-reaching impact on the city. Public

housing demolition in Chicago led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Black

households. Additional unintended effects of CHA’s public housing demolition and resident

relocation strategy additionally led to the fracturing of dozens of Chicago street gangs. Gangs

that previously controlled the drug market within specific geographical housing settings had now

been relocated and engaged in turf wars to claim territory controlled by preexisting street gangs

in that neighborhood (Hagedorn & Rauch, 2007). Chicago housing policy, combined with

Chicago law enforcement strategies, led to the arrest of seasoned ranking institutionalized

conflict between individuals and groups, often leading to violent incidents within the physical

community environment (Patton, Lane et al., 2017). Though social media has been a medium for

Chicago neighborhoods have a long history of gang culture, which has become embedded into

the fabric of the identity of many communities. Street-involved individuals who are active in

gangs are also very heavily present on social media. Platforms such as Facebook, Snapchat,

dead, and provoking confrontations which often lead to extreme forms of physical and

community violence. According to Foster (2020), “Social networking sites have become a

catalyst for violence because it is a part of people’s everyday life and their reality” (p. 12).

Millennial gang members exist physically and virtually, both carrying guns and creating

Instagram posts. According to Wijeratne et al. (2015), 74% of gang-involved individuals who

identify as active gang participants report having an established online presence and being

frequent users of the Internet to gain respect for their gang. Gang-involved individuals are now

navigating both their physical environment and the virtual hood. Chicago gang culture is deeply

intertwined with neighborhood identity and “choosing sides,” so much so that most Chicago

youth are introduced to “gang life” at a very early age. Youth participating in normal daily

the Chicago gang culture. Chicago youth often inherit beef and gang affiliation by no choice of

their own. This affiliation is often determined or given by others simply based on the block

home each night:

I remember walking in the house with my gun in my hand, out walking through my

gotta go to her house every day, ‘cause I live with my grandmother, but she live in the

employment, and the decline of organized labor unions as being directly connected to urban

poverty.

According to Kitwana (2003), as generations grow, develop, and transition over time, the

cultural identity, values, and norms of those generations are transitioned from one generation to

the next. During the 1920s-1960s, much of Black youth culture was derived from traditional

advancement of technology and corporate growth have significantly impacted the passing of

values from those traditional Black institutions. Today, the media, technology, film, and fashion

play major roles in transmitting culture from generation to generation (Kitwana, 2003). The new

Black youth culture also cuts across previously defined class boundaries and has redefined what

it means to be young and Black in America today. Kitwana (2003) suggested that people born

between 1965 to 1985 do not belong to Generation X but instead belong to “the hip-hop

generation.” In this generation, we begin to see a shift away from the previous generations’ focus

on spirituality, social responsibility, and traditionally defined family units to adopting

generational values based on the development and evolution of hip-hop and rap. Kitwana (2003)

defined the hip-hop generation as having a generational experience very different from that of

historical moment for this generation (Patton et al., 2013). The hip-hop generation is a blended

generation influenced by previous generational experiences such as the post-civil-rights era and

on criminal justice, media representation of Blacks, and the diminished shift in the quality of life

for young Blacks. These six major historical experiences during the hip-hop generation’s

formative years shifted their worldview and created a divide within the previous post-civil-rights

One of the greatest contributions of the hip-hop generation is the birth of rap music. The

commercialization of rap music blended seamlessly into what was known as hip-hop and

extended its identity. Rap music transcended the once limited scope of hip-hop from being

identified as break-dancing, graffiti, rap, and DJ-ing to seeing Black youth street culture being

expressed both publicly and privately in fashion, film, beauty, and attitude (Kitwana, 2003).

Popular culture took a very dramatic shift in adopting Black culture, and even the visual presence

of Black youth within that space demanded a very prominent role. Rap music visually and

culturally injected Black youth culture into every facet of popular culture. It is very common

now to see Black faces, Black bodies, Black hair, and Black slang included in marketing and

advertisement for global companies (Kitwana, 2003). The appearance, style, and language of

youth from places such as Louisiana, Los Angeles, Florida, and Chicago all share the common

thread of Black culture, which was not uncoincidentally designed.

haves and the have-nots has become more apparent. The first generation of hip-hop rappers

certainly represents an elite group of Black rappers who were able to achieve success and gain

access to the resources needed to create opportunity and stability for themselves. This is also true

strike huge deals with global corporations such as Nike and Adidas. College-educated Blacks

were also able to achieve higher levels of success and financial stability by pursuing career paths

in booming industries. However, this still constitutes a fraction of middle to upper-class

members of the Black community. Poor working-class Blacks, primarily males, experienced

wage inequality and loss of employment due to the dramatic shift in opportunities and attitudes

for less-skilled workers. Globalization shifted many urban-centered manufacturing jobs, which

once supported the Black community with growth, to suburban areas and overseas locations

(Kitwana, 2002). As unemployment rates continued to rise in the Black community, this directly

impacted the next generation’s reliance on the underground street market and drug scene as a

means for financial survival.

The presence of overt and subtle segregation in a self-proclaimed “inclusive democratic

society” has had a major impact on shifting the worldview of the hip-hop generation and future

hopelessness and concerns about physical safety daily. Violence in Chicago continues to escalate

at record numbers, with the city ending 2021 with nearly 800 homicides, a level that has not been

seen in 25 years. The West Side community of Austin accounted for the highest number of

be disproportionately represented in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods on the South and

West Side of Chicago.

Young Black Chicagoans experience structural violence and segregation across the city

daily. African Americans in Chicago represented 80% of the homicide victims in 2016, with the

majority being males between ages 15 and 34 (University of Chicago, 2016). Blacks continue to

struggle to win political seats and have representation in state and federal government roles. In a

post-civil-rights, post-Barack-Obama era, young Blacks have seen little progress that would

encourage them to subscribe to the ideals and beliefs of previous generations. Statues of White

Confederate generals still stand in many cities, and many Black neighborhoods, schools, and

parks in Black communities are named after known White racist enslavers. These are examples

of double standards and lip service that breed resentment among Black youth culture in what is

presented as an inclusive democratic society with opportunity for all.

than an offender found to have the same amount in powder cocaine, which is more prevalent in

White communities, with no difference in the chemical makeup, the only difference being the

affordability of crack cocaine (Kitwana, 2002). In 1992, Chicago enacted anti-gang/anti-drug law

walkway in front of their homes or public parks (Kitwana, 2002). These anti-youth ordinances

disguised as the city taking a tough stance on crime by enacting harsh public safety measures led

to the arrest of nearly 40,000 young adults within a two-year period. Chicago law enforcement

efforts went as far as developing a “gang database” with photos and contact data on any

suspected gang member. The Chicago Crime Commission (2012) released a Chicago “Gang

Book,” which consisted of the names and photographs of hundreds of suspected gang member,

their family members, and other associates. This information was distributed widely, with much

of the information being false and erroneous. Today’s generation of Black youth culture

witnesses police brutality and homicide against Black lives in real time; LaQuan McDonald,

George Floyd, and Duante Wright’s murders at the hands of police were broadcast worldwide in

viral videos. The young Black experience of violence, racial profiling, injustice, and inequality is

played out around the clock and accessible with a click or scroll on a smartphone.

The shift in the quality of life for Blacks has also significantly shifted the Black youth

culture generational worldview. Since the 1980s, many young Blacks continue to live at or below

the poverty level. It is estimated that 60% of poor youth in America are Black (Kitwana, 2002).

Black Chicago young adults do not have a job or attend school. Compared to their White

counterparts benefiting from the privilege of family wealth, investment, property ownership, and

not battling racism, report 5.7% of young adults aged 20-24 are out of school and/or work daily.

In comparison, young Black men and women fare worse than the 24% reported by other young

people across the country (Mulaikal & Issa, 2019). Chicago’s defined “Black Belt” continues to

place the city as the most segregated for housing and quality education in the United States.

The response to these generationally historic events has been minimal. Awareness and

discussion around these issues have been nonexistent. Kitwana (2002) stated that much of this is

due to internal strife within the Black community, with the older post-civil-rights generation and

hip-hop generation being at odds. Parents and grandparents of hip-hop generation children find

Images of thousands of young Blacks converging in party and dance in Atlanta, while the Black

church continues to see a decline in engagement and attendance from young Blacks, continues to

reflect but strategically shift away from the ideals of previous generations. This shift is

demonstrated today in areas such as activism, where currently, in the technology age, we see

Black athletes, Black artists, and Black media take a very public stance on race and political

political officials, and even prominent civil rights activist.

As time has passed and the nexus from which generational values are passed has changed

over the past four decades, social norms, technology, and ideals on class and race have continued

to shift. The unresolved historical incidents impacting the hip-hop generation have continued to

shape and mold generational values for new Black youth culture. For decades, the

characterization and dehumanization of the Black male have existed. We see a shift and

reinforcement of the dangerous, super-predatory, thug ideology reinforced and defined in

popular media. The assassination of the character of young Black males has occurred for

decades. Black males have been dehumanized and characterized with stereotypes such as

uneducated, criminal, drug dealer, and lazy; with the new “Millennial” generation, we begin to

the identity of what it means to be a young Black male haVE morphed into the creation and

acceptance of the young Black “super-predator.” If society defines and characterizes me as a

urban males to adapt and accept their perceived characterization in a post-civil-rights era. Rap

and hip-hop are often perceived as having a dominant, rebellious tone that speaks for Black

males. This perception can be received as being antagonistic to Western culture. Rap music, in

embraced opposing values. In combination with poverty, unemployment, educational

opportunity gaps, and targeted mass incarceration, this dichotomy has acted as a significant

driver in influencing the persona, behavior, and character of Black males currently seen in drill

music culture (Kitwana, 2002). The highly visual and influential nature of music and social

media allow these mediums to act as vessels for this behavior to be replicated in an ongoing

manner. The alienation and dehumanization of the Black lives in mainstream society projects a

demoralizing and debilitating undertone that is consistently played out publicly through social

media and viral videos. The consistent environmental factors and public characterization of

Black youth leave this group struggling with complex issues related to their development and

identity. As Black youth begin to grow into their identity, music, social media, and

reputation, and established young social media following made him a hot commodity. Instead of

Keef independently selling CDs on street corners in hopes to vie for the attention of a major

success and audience continued to grow, finally landing Keef a six-million-dollar contract with

Interscope records. Many of Keef’s friends and affiliates featured in his songs and videos had

also released music and grabbed international attention (Stuart, 2020). Another group of teens

Boyz and Never Leave My Brother,” which garnered industry attention. Members G-Herbo and

Lil Bibby went on to be signed by major labels and appear in a plethora of mainstream music and

videos. The authenticity of the music and stories shared by Chicago drill artists such as Chief

Keef, Lil Durk, G-Herbo, King Von, and many other Chicago drillers commanded the attention,

credibility, and investment of the mainstream media while also creating a path for themselves out

of the poverty and violence they experienced in Chicago.

Social media and music have become everyday essentials in the lives of youth today.

Most Chicago drill music artists, born and raised in marginalized communities, have lived a

background that is indistinguishable from what many other young Black people living in

Chicago have experienced (Stuart, 2020). These pioneer Chicago drill artists created a form of

that commanded the attention of the world. The ingenuity of their social media presence and self-

branding strategies supported them in gaining a huge following while allowing them to

other young Blacks living in Chicago and beyond. The Chicago drill culture movement has gone

on to influence other young Black community members, often operating in survival mode to join

the wave.

generational values, poverty survival, normalized violence, street involvement, and technology.

Chicago drill music culture creates a space that lives outside of the boundaries of

commercialized mainstream rap and its dependence on large record labels, and turns away the

traditional glorification of luxurious cars and homes that are often touted in traditional rap videos

and instead celebrates the adverse neighborhoods, street affiliations and, violence that have

literally impacted the artists’ ability to survive. Chicago drill music embraces the concepts of

being “hood famous,” having widely shared loyal gang affiliations, and being willing to carry out

violent acts as a means for survival and/or revenge. Chicago drill music allows the new Black

youth generation an independent voice in which they can meet their identified needs by sharing

their story and creating their sound on their own terms.

Historically, Blacks have been represented in mainstream media as loud, ignorant, and

violent (Foster, 2020). The complex relationship between Black identity, hip-hop culture, and

intensified violence and highlighted the complex connections between real-life and digital street

life. Therefore, processing the complex critical issues of poverty, violence, and the young Black

experience requires major cities like Chicago to analyze and understand more than statistics on

poverty, and violence shared through music and digital culture.

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

Design

lens through which young Black Chicago residents can connect to interpret their environment

and experiences. Also, the constant exposure to Chicago street-based culture, violent crime, and

social media leads to a heightened survival response mentality. This study used a combination of

experiences, perceptions, and beliefs. This study used the participants’ recounting of background

and experiences along with impactful songs and lyrics to solicit data. This study highlighted how

participants responded to processing their Black Chicago experiences after recalling Chicago

drill music songs and lyrics to determine the degree of connection and impact.

Theoretical Framework

This research study formed a theory by analyzing the data provided by participants using

a grounded theory approach. The study used informal, semi-structured interviews and Chicago

drill music song elicitation. Data were collected by writing, recording notes, and utilizing coding.

The grounded theory framework supported understanding of how young Black Chicagoans

interpret and process their personal experiences through the lens of Chicago drill music. This

environment, experiences, and community behavior. This research study used the grounded

theory approach and music elicitation to find overlap and relationships between the young Black

participants ranging from 21 to 35. All study participants identified as Black residents in the city

of Chicago with communities of origin on the South and West Side of the city. Study participants

identified as being from the Woodlawn, Chatham, East Washington Park, South Deering,

housing and moving around many South Side Chicago communities.

Procedure

All study participants were recruited through purposeful sampling. Open invitations

regarding the research study were advertised through flyers, phone calls, email, and virtual posts

on Facebook, Instagram, and LinkedIn. The criteria for participation in one-on-one interviews

required that the participant be age 18 or over, a Chicago resident, and create or frequently listen

to Chicago drill music content.

Each research participant met with the interviewer on one occasion, which lasted 60-90

minutes. The researcher met participants in person at a location of the participant’s choice, which

allowed the participant to feel most comfortable. Each interview was conducted in a semi-

structured format, using preplanned, open-ended questions to allow for the introduction of

additional follow-up questions to assist with gaining further insight from the participant.

allowed the researcher to begin to develop rapport with the participant and supported the

researcher in gaining a deeper understanding of the participant’s specific connection to a

particular Chicago drill song and Chicago drill artist.

instruments agreed upon by the participants. Each participant was provided an informed consent

form and asked to review the entire document. The researcher also provided each participant a

verbal summary of each section covered in the informed consent and allowed time for the

participant to ask questions or share concerns. All participants were given the opportunity to ask

questions or opt-out prior to beginning the interview. The informed consent form explicitly

provided participants with the opportunity to opt-out of the study at any time or refuse to answer

any question the participant did not feel comfortable with answering. All participants were given

the option to use an alias during the interview to keep the participants’ identities anonymous.

Participants were asked to provide responses to interview questions and informed that they

should feel free to elaborate or decline to answer any question at their level of comfort.

Participants were offered a $25 gift card to participate in the study and informed they would

receive the gift card regardless of completing or discontinuing participation in the study.

rap/hip-hop.

Having the participant define and describe Chicago drill music and identifying specific

artists and songs that felt meaningful to the participant allowed the participant to define and

Chicago drill music while defining how specific artists and songs connected with the

participants’ personal experiences, attitudes, and beliefs. The interviews consisted of additional

questions that gauged the participants’ personal experiences to understand conscious connections

to Chicago drill music.

Coding

Analyzing the qualitative data from each interview was done in several stages. The initial

stage of data analysis was conducted utilizing open coding. This data analysis strategy allowed

content from each interview to be segmented into discrete thoughts and expressions. This data

analysis stage allowed the identification of overarching repeating concepts and codes. The

second data analysis stage was axial coding. This data analysis stage was used to understand

stage. The codes were then grouped into categories and emerging themes. The final stage of data

analysis used was selective coding. During this stage, categories developed during selective

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS

Research Goals

The participant data unveiled two overarching themes that produced several subthemes,

and within the subthemes that were discussed, several were discussed more often than others.

led to the development of the overarching themes, which uncovered the four subthemes: Chicago

gang culture, grief and loss, vigilance, clout, and resilience. The interconnection between these

themes demonstrated an association and relationship to each other. Shared experience connected

interactions with police were major factors that allowed participants to relate to Chicago drill

music artists and songs. Grief and loss, validation, Chicago gang culture, vigilance, clout, and

resilience were ways in which participants made sense of their individual and community

experiences related to Chicago drill music. One of the many mental health and wellness factors

discussed by participants was grief and loss. Participants discussed the emotional discourse

associated with living or frequenting Chicago’s underserved communities bearing witness to

community issues such as addiction, gangs, chronic violence, death, and murder. Shared

experience was interconnected to grief and loss because of the commonality of experiencing the

loss of family and/or friends to murder. Nearly all participants highlighted experiencing the loss

of a relative or close friend to murder, and the recurring pain, confusion, anger, and numbness

Participants discussed how Chicago drill music speaks to young Black Chicago in their own

language. Many participants highlighted the manner in which Chicago drill music embraces and

different. (name, personal communication, September 10, 2021)

want to copy Chicago like we one of a kind. (name, personal communication, October 18,

2021)

But the thing about it was we didn’t purposely come out and say, “Oh, we rapping and

this drill music.” We was really rapping about what was going on in our life in code, so a

muthafucka, if you from Chicago, we be talking about some real shit in the song, if you

not from Chicago and know the lingo, you just gone think it’s a cool song. However, a

muthafucka from Chicago listening to it like, “no the fuck they didn’t,” you feel me.

(name, personal communication, November 28, 2021).

As young Black Chicagoans navigate the various Chicago blocks and neighborhoods,

young Black Chicago finds value in having a knowledge and understanding of navigating the

various neighborhoods and understanding the numerous block/faction alliances and assumed or

proclaimed gangs affiliated within those areas. The participants each spoke about how common,

normal, and expected it is for young Black Chicago to feel unprotected while attempting to

participate in normal activities such as going to school or walking to the store:

Participants referenced their experiences navigating living in Chicago communities,

experiencing the high rates of violent crime, and the constant lack of feeling safe or protected in

their communities. The lack of trust and/or confidence in receiving fair treatment and protection

expects to experience. “It’s not that people need to leave, it’s just protection period. The police

downtown and up north, they ain’t where we at, and if they is, they harassing you” (name,

personal communication, September 28, 2021).

Chicago drill artist lyrics often speak to the experiences shared by other members of

young Black Chicago. The similarities in the artist’s experiences create a connection of

understanding with the young Black Chicago listening audience. “Everybody going through the

Chicago drill artists speak to these issues in their music. The audience connects because

the environment and circumstances are similar to what participants had experienced or

conditions of Chicago’s Black communities and share a real visual account and provide a

narrative that speaks to the realities of their experience.

time. (name, personal communication, September 10, 2021)

Umm, lifestyle. you know when I, when I hear they music, it’s what I do, or did do on

everyday basis, so they just. . . . I want to listen to stuff. . . . I can’t listen to Jay-Z

because I don’t got a billion dollars, but I can listen, shorty from 69th ‘cause this is what

we do. (name, personal communication, September 28, 2021)

know, That’ll tell you like come on like this place needs to be cleaned up or people need

to know like, why isn’t this person found, why is this person guilty of committing these

crimes, because these people that’s getting shot, mind you they children or probably

typical Chicago experience through this lens. The unique aspect of their perception is that these

experiences are not confined to a specific Chicago neighborhood, nor are they limited to an

individual with a specific background or education. These experiences are viewed as universal

impacting young Black Chicago community members views, behaviors, and way of life.

Earlier research discussed Chicago gangs, their relationship to the demolition of Chicago

Public Housing projects and “Operation Headache,” and Chicago law enforcement’s targeted

effort to permanently dismantle Chicago gangs through the removal of high-ranking gang

members. In conjunction with these events, the impact of the crack cocaine epidemic and the

“War on Drugs” left many single-parent, female-headed Black Chicago families displaced into

been little research focused on Chicago gang cliques transitioning from the street economy into

identifying legal opportunities for financial gain through the virtual economy. The transition of

traditional Chicago gangs into gang-involved cliques has completely changed how young Black

navigate their communities, local institutions, and daily interactions. The traditional narrative of

Chicago gang members huddled in groups and standing on corners all disappeared. Gang

affiliation has transitioned from street corners to now come in the form of specific neighborhood

blocks of small cliques, assumed neighborhood or school gang affiliation, and even inherited

gang ties. Young Black Chicago community members are often assumed to be affiliated with

gang factions based on their street address, school enrollment, or assumed connection through

family and/or friends. Based on being assumed as gang-affiliated through these loose

connections, young Black Chicago community members often find it difficult to navigate day to

day activities such as attending school, walking through the neighborhood, or even getting a job

in a certain area or location in the city without the assumption of belonging to or being affiliated

with a gang faction. Figure 1 and Figure 2 show map illustrations of the largest Chicago gangs

and their affiliated neighborhoods.

Figure 2

Source. Chicago Crime Commission.

Young Black Chicago community members often find it difficult to avoid or sometimes

necessary to become “affiliated” with gang-involved cliques or individuals as a means for

down, you really can pinpoint. You know what I mean, everybody was in one area. Like

it’s not even no sets no more, you know, the person who died they call that area. (name,

personal communication, September 28, 2021)

After people got killed, each block lost somebody. Each group lost somebody. It changed

thing. When, when everybody area got took from them, whether it be the projects getting

Cottage Grove. That’s a good, good example. From 61st to 63rd, it was like some little

them just into just all neighborhoods, so like I said, if you have, this gang was from right

might be a BD, he GD, he Stone, but fuck all that because we are from over here now this

Young Black Chicago community members often become introduced or affiliated with

content such as the popular viral song and video “The G.D. (Gangster Disciples) Anthem,”

released by Chicago artist Rooga, can be heard playing on many popular urban Chicago radio

behaviors, physicality, and virtual presence to take into account the presence of Chicago gang

culture while engaging in routine experiences.

Grief and Loss

Chicago, such as shootings, have peaked at numbers as high as 60-70 individuals shot in one

weekend. Young Black Chicago community members encounter murder, death, and violence at

an extremely high rate. “Everybody knows what it feels like to hurt for somebody that you’ve

lost, especially if you’re a young person in Chicago” (name, personal communication, January

25, 2021). All humans will at some time process the death of family and friends in their life.

However, processing the deaths of young lives due to the intentional act of murder brings a

significantly different element to processing grief and loss. There are many communities across

Black Chicago, and members of young Black Chicago are experiencing collective grief, which

occurs when a community is processing the emotional reactions and anger associated with an

incident of violence occurring within the community. Continual instances of community violence

in Black Chicago have led to heightened feelings of being unsafe and mistrustful of other

individuals or policymakers within the community.

learning about the murder of close friends and family members. Young Black Chicago

community members also interact with murder, death, and violence at a rate much higher and

much more common than in previous generations. “People literally losing people weekly.

2022). As noted in the previous quote, young Black Chicago community members are not only

experiencing loss but also cumulative grief by having to process multiple deaths at the same

time. The experiences with grief and loss are not only processed on an individual basis, but

social networks and digital platforms have created an inescapable public venue in which

individuals are attempting to process grief and loss while often being exposed to public

comments and responses made by other, which sometimes includes individuals from opposing

gang-affiliated networks. Chicago drill music is heavily influenced by Chicago gang culture and

has also become a space where young Black Chicago processes the emotions associated with the

instances of death, murder, and violence happening within the young Black Chicago community.

“I think drill music just, just, it, it just personifies the pain” (name, personal communication,

and environment, often including signifying connections to specific blocks, gang cliques, and

other affiliated networks. This has also opened the music to be a vessel for taunting and/or

members.

Validation

The stories of Black Chicago communities have often been excluded from local media.

the home communities of many young Black Chicago community members. Chicago drill music

provides undeniable truth, shock, awareness, and hidden meaning to incidents happening across

Chicago communities and within digital spaces. Young Black Chicago community members

often dismiss traditional local news sources due to stories being excluded and/or inaccurately

reported. Young Black Chicago community members often use social media as a way to stay

updated on events believed to more accurately reflect relevant stories occurring within the Black

community. Chicago drill music provides deeper insight and hidden innuendos about

occurrences relevant to young Black Chicago. Chicago drill music provides credibility and proof

that the shocking stories told through music are, in fact, real. Additional validation is provided

through Chicago drill music videos and the artist’s social media activity. A participant discussed

experiences and neighborhoods of origin through their music. As social media and streaming

platforms have become more prevalent, it has offered young Black Chicago community

platforms to build a foundation as an independent drill artist and sign with a major record label.

As violence increased in Chicago, so has the interest in signing the most “authentic” rap artist.

As more gang-affiliated artists grew in popularity and signed major record deals, the trend of

Participants referenced the predatory nature of major record labels, coming to Black Chicago

communities dangling hefty record deals before unsuspecting young Black Chicago artists.

Participants noted that young Black Chicago youth are often desperate for a way out of their

current environment and often sign the deal. The participants spoke of how the record labels are

often the machine behind the artist and ultimately play a role in encouraging and glamorizing

violence. Participants shared that artists often remain in the community while engaged in gang

clique feuds and other high-risk online behaviors. This is extremely dangerous for the artist and

eventually targets them for violence. The record contracts are often connected to large life

insurance policies on the artist if the artist is killed and unable to fulfill the terms of the contract.

The label benefits from the life insurance policy and the huge surge in streams and sales from the

presence of “outsiders” benefiting from the Black community. Participants noted that “outsiders”

often receive the political and financial support needed to open businesses in Black Chicago

that these practices are often not discussed but are common occurrences in Black Chicago

communities.

Black community has experienced due to older males of lived experience not being present in the

community. Participants often referred to not having a “big homie,” which was viewed as an

individual of lived experience who acts as a mentor or role model for younger adults.

Participants often spoke of the lack of respect for the community, elders, and structure that has

become rampant in the young Black Chicago community. Participants discussed that there has

been a lack of guidance and accountability present in Black Chicago communities, and that is

often not discussed or acknowledged. Participants further discussed the level of fear and

confrontation older adults experience when attempting to have conversations with the younger

Black Chicago generation about their behavior. Participants identified the benefits of having an

individual of lived experience to connect with the younger generation to deter the high risk and

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The findings of this study offer insight and several valuable lessons. The first lesson

gang culture through Chicago drill music to share their narrative and as a means of self-

preservation.

The first lesson offers insight into the need to recognize the complexities associated with

communities from a historical to present-day perspective, structural violence has significantly

impacted Black Chicago. Chicago’s historical discriminatory housing practices, redlining,

housing projects development and demolition, public school closings, segregated neighborhoods,

and neighborhood disinvestment are all major factors that must be considered when

understanding today’s Black Chicago community. These acts have contributed to mistrust,

isolation, lack of resources, chronic violence exposure, and the overall inequitable quality of life

for young Black Chicago community members. The opportunity gap for young Black Chicago

has continued to grow wider with poor neighborhood conditions, lack of safety, lack of access to

quality schools, and unemployment/underemployment. Young Black Chicago community

members often feel they are functioning through a series of daily calculated risks while

Chicago community members’ experiences from a complex and multi-dimensional perspective.

Setting aside the traditional conservative views on poverty, violence, gun control, gangs, and

platforms to manage and navigate poverty, violence, and Chicago gang culture. The South Side

of Chicago has been recognized as the birthplace of Chicago drill music. The scenes of young

people packed in gangways, pointing semi-automatic guns at the camera, and threatening lyrics,

devaluing the young, the low expectations of poor neighborhood conditions, gang exposure,

violence, death, and murder have become routine parts of everyday living for many young Black

Chicago community members. The negative experiences of young Black Chicago are recreated

daily across different individuals from different neighborhoods, sharing the same types of

experiences. Young Black Chicago has become desensitized to the constant exposure to adverse

conditions seen in their environment and has normalized it as an element of what they expect to

experience in Chicago. The normalization of these conditions and experiences is further

demonstrated in viral social media and the development of Chicago drill music.

The continual feeling of taking calculated risks to navigate life daily is an experience

shared across the young Black Chicago community. Chicago drill music connects this same

perspective that seeks to gain insight into how poverty, isolation, disinvestment, violence, and

inequitable access to opportunity have impacted the young Black Chicago community. Violence,

from most is hyper-critical disdain, and even disgust for the perceived glamorization of gangs

and violence demonstrated in Chicago drill music. However, these reactions must not discredit

the narrative, stories, and experiences many young Black Chicago community members share.

most young adults. On the surface, Chicago drill music may appear to boast threatening personas

used to posture and grandstand for attention. However, Chicago drill music has undoubtedly

made a global impact. Chicago drill music has provided a voice for the critical issues facing

many young Black Chicago community members. There also must be recognition of the

resilience, digital skill, social marketing capacity, and streaming success connected with the

skills and development Chicago drill artists demonstrate to build their following and listening

audience to change their circumstances. Utilizing the basic free resources available, often a cell

phone and social media page, Chicago drill artists and other drill content creators have created a

footprint for digital viral marketing, contorting algorithms, and leveraging streaming success on

digital platforms to create a self-developed online global brand. Chicago drill music has

amplified the stories of young Black Chicago and given an accessible means to create a way out

of violence and poverty.

narrative about Chicago drill music and recognizes empowerment through creativity, strength,

and resilience.

Empowerment allows young Black Chicago community members to share and process

experiences with affirmation from a non-judgmental, non-disparaging approach. Accessing

empowering physical and digital spaces provides flexibility to meet community members at their

comfort level. Young Black Chicago community members have limited physical and digital

spaces that are reaffirming and nonjudgmental spaces accepting for all. Creating reaffirming

nonjudgmental spaces that value the experiences and emotions of young adults will support them

in identifying healthy coping strategies and supportive spaces that allow them to express their

emotions.

Redefining the narrative of Chicago drill music by valuing the artist and their music as

individuals with lived experience also highlights and values the shared experiences of many

young Black Chicago community members. Community members connect with Chicago drill

environment. Chicago drill music provides a creative art of expression that represents the real

experiences of many in the community. The young Black Chicago voice must not be silenced

deserving due to lacking the desire to achieve a better quality of life or unwillingness to get a

better education, training, or employment. Individuals may view Chicago drill music as harmful.

However, it is important to recognize the story and visuals the music provides. The experiences

global viral attention that Chicago drill music has created can encourage greater systemic

change. Individuals outside of the community may perceive these forms of creative expression as

harmful. Young Black Chicago community members find their value and power in sharing the

realities of their environment and the issues impacting them, which are often excluded in

traditional media. The exposure of Chicago drill music can encourage others to be attentive and

insightful about how they have contributed or continue to contribute to larger systems that

promote structural and virtual violence.

Virtual Interventions and Resources

As younger audiences continue to gravitate heavily to social media and other digital

spaces, it is important that community interventions and resources are present in those spaces.

and digital platforms. Expanding community interventions and resources would allow

community organizations to connect to provide virtual intervention and support. Virtual content

Enhanced Opportunities for Digital Development Creation

Many young Black Chicago community members are turning to digital spaces to connect

with others, express emotions, create entertainment content, and pursue digital entrepreneurship.

opportunities to educate and enhance the young Black Chicago community to engage in various

aspects of production technology, music production, social media engagement, and virtual

campaigns are all meaningful ways that leverage the digital skills community members possess.

Developing programming that supports the continued development and growth of digital content

creation and digital production supports the community’s use of transferrable skills into paths

that boost self-confidence and self-worth and increase financial stability.

Limitations and Future Research

While there has been much research dedicated to violence and gang culture and its impact

on Black youth in Chicago, little research has been dedicated to understanding Chicago drill

music. Most of the research available was dedicated to understanding gang violence and its

continues to grow in popularity on digital and social media platforms. Many articles study

Chicago as it relates to violence and gang culture. Chicago is often the reference point for many

Chicago drill music. Future research should examine the emerging themes of the virtual

exploitation of Black communities and the engagement of individuals with lived experience as a

community intervention strategy. Understanding the role of exploitation in the Black community

change how other cultures perceive young Black Chicago and provide insight into useful

community interventions that interrupt patterns of virtual and environmental violence in the

young Black Chicago community.

Conclusion

The disinvestment in young Black Chicago is unsettling. The shared experiences and

normalcy of navigating threatening environments, gang culture, violence, and murder are

alarming. It becomes easy to shun, dismiss, and invalidate an individual’s story and experiences.

It becomes easy to write off an individual’s behavior as ignorance or entertainment. The grit and

pure will to survive it takes to navigate life as a young Black person in Chicago are no easy task.

To simply contribute an entire generation of Black Chicago youth behavior to gangs and

entertainment eliminates the complexities of understanding Black Chicago youth and the

historical structures that have brought this generation to where they are today.

to creatively express grief and loss, voice rage, anger, and frustration, and it is a sound that has

been embraced and replicated across the globe.

Last, hip-hop as a culture has always been met with resistance. Rap music, the stories,

silence young Black voices that share the stories of what it means to be Black and disadvantaged,

from Public Enemy to N.W.A., Tupac Shakur, and gangsta rap to drill music. The voices and

experiences of young Black Chicago have been globally amplified through Chicago drill music.

Their experiences are real, and they utilize technology to tell their stories and meet their needs to

survive. The world must listen, process, and embrace their shared experiences to truly understand

their needs and create a better quality of life for the future of young Black Chicago.

Quotes

Table C2

Table C6

Table C7

Table C8